The Lost Revolution: The Story of the Official IRA and the Workers’ Party
By Brian Hanley and Scott Millar.
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As a previous reviewer of this book wrote, “It must rank as one of the most detailed and frank histories of any political party in Ireland or elsewhere.” The Lost Revolution is undoubtedly well written and enjoyable to read. It tells the story of the tragic political journey of the The Workers Party/Páirtí na nOibrithe (Stickies *) From the split in the IRA and Sinn Féin in 1969-70, to the disintegration of the Workers’ Party in 1992 and the departure of almost its entire leadership cadre to the right of center, Irish Labour Party.
This book is essential reading for all who are interested in the post WW2 European left, for there is little doubt the history of how the IRA/Sinn Fein became the Official IRA, SF the Workers Party, The Workers Party, the Democratic Left; is an abject lesson in how to build a broad left political party; and how not too.
The most important lesson I came away with after reading this book, whether the political organization in question is Irish Republican or a broad Left Party, and at times the Workers Party claimed to be both; avoid the split at all costs. As once the break is made, little good will come of it, yes at first it may seem a liberating process and even a minor success, but history will prove it is a case of a single step forward and two or more back.
If comrades are in a minority or majority it matters not a jot, for if they find it impossible to reconcile political differences, it is far better to sit tight and await better days, as a split opens up wounds which are rarely healed, as witnessed by the controversy the publication of this book has caused.
The split in the IRA/SF from which all else flowed, including a great deal of unnecessary bloodshed, is well documented. On the surface it was about the fine detail of Irish republican philosophy, whether the Republican movement should recognize the Parliaments in London, Dublin and Stormont. Even though this motion when it was put to the Sinn Fein conference in 1970, failed to attain the prerequisite two-thirds majority which was necessary to overturn Sinn Féin's constitutional opposition to 'partitionist' assemblies. Those who opposed the motion walked out anyway to form Provisional Sinn Fein, they could hardly have done otherwise, as the dye had been cast months before, believing the motion would gain the necessary votes, they had resigned from the IRA and gone on to found what became know as the Provisional IRA.
It is only fair to say that the main leaders of what became the Officials, Sean Garland, Tomas MacGiolla and Cathal Goulding, did not want a split. Indeed Goulding makes the point that Peadar O'Donnell and George Gilmore, the leaders of a previous generation of left Republicans, made a mistake in leaving the IRA in the 1930s to found the Republican Congress. With the benefit of hindsight it is interesting to ponder what sort of movement the Republican Movement would have become if a split could have been avoided. It seems to me Official republicans like Cathal Goulding, Seamus Costello, Joe McCann and those who were the second generation of Provo leaders, Brendan Hughes, Brian Keenan, Ivor Bell, and Gerald Adams, had a great deal more in common than there subsequent political trajectory implies.
Once the Republican movement formally split in 1969-70, the two armies, for a time travelled parallel paths. Recruiting new members, seeking out sources for arms, whether in Ireland, Europe, the Middle-east or the USA, and taking the war to the British on both the streets of the North of Ireland and in England. The command structures were identical and within the Republican historical tradition, with Companies, Battalions ,Brigades, GHQ, Army Council, chief of staff, etc. It was only after the Officials called a ceasefire in 1973, shortly after they bombed the parachute regiments headquarters at Aldershot, that the two IRA’s took a divergent path.
The Provos were to go on to to fight the British State in a bloody and increasingly hopeless war which lasted for the next 30 plus years. Whilst the Official IRA all but disappeared from public view, unless you were unfortunate or unlucky enough to stray into their orbit. Shielded by the Irish and British security services and periodically their friends in the media, they certainly hadn't gone away. Far from standing the OIRA down, it gradually morphed into what the leadership group renamed Group B. Its leadership, increasingly safely quartered in the south, used it to strong arm their political opponents in the north; and to help finance their grandiose scheme to build a green-red tinted, democratic centralist, Stalinist party of the type that history was about to pass by.
For the next 25 years the main role of the OIRA was to finance the party by organizing criminal activities such as armed robberies, fraud, extortion and counterfeiting. In the process its leading members formed close working relationships with some of Ireland’s most notorious criminals, loyalist paramilitaries, major contractors in the construction industries in both Ireland and the UK, police officers within the southern Irish police and RUC, British government ministers and NIO civil servants, and members of the British security services.
It is a record of shame, the likes of which no left-wing political organization in history has equalled, let alone an Irish republican organization whose raison d’être was originally to break the wretched link with the UK. For the OIRA volunteers, their commanders, and their Workers Party bosses, who were often one and the same, it must have all seemed so simply. After group think set in, they worked upon the principle that my enemies enemy is my friend and acted accordingly. Thus they had no qualms in touting their perceived Provo and INLA enemies to the RUC and British security forces, nor murdering some of the British governments more troublesome foes, such as Seamus Costello. Indeed at one time such touting became so blatant, the dogs in the street new members of the RUC special branch had a free bar within Official owned drinking clubs in Belfast.
All this went on whilst Sinn Fein became Sinn Fein the Workers Party, and then the Workers Party; and with each reincarnation the democratic centralist screw was turned that much tighter; and the leadership became ever smaller, until a tiny clique of individuals were controlling every element of party activities and practice.
Throughout this period rank and file party members worked their arses off on the knocker, placing before Irish working class voters a progressive political platform that was the equal of most European communist or socialist party’s. WP activists were fighting daily against the shortcomings of the British and 26 County State’s, whilst their leaders were colluding with the members of both nations political police and security services. Along with some of the most lumpen criminal elements within those societies, plus the most greedy and corrupt capitalist business elements.
Whilst the art of politics requires a certain amount of guile and deceit, it is beyond me to understand how colluding with those whose job it is to hunt down the enemies of the State, can lead towards a bright sunny socialist dawn.
The book catalogues all of this and more, the fact the WP leadership almost wet themselves when they started being invited to drinking sessions at the Russian Embassy in Dublin. As far as the WPs link with North Korea was concerned, some might think the Russian Diplomatic Service/KGB had suddenly found a sense of humor, although it sounds more likely it might have been the ICP Mick O'Riordan’s own private joke, aimed at the WP for encroaching on his party’s home ground. Failing to accept the Irish franchise was already taken, the WP tops approached Moscow for some solidarity gold. On the pretext of security and the bigger political picture, the Soviet bureaucrats put the WP leadership in touch with the North Koreans, the only communist monarchy in the world. One can almost hear the gales of laughter coming out of the Kremlin when Yuri Andropov told this tale at the annual gathering of the leading members of the international Communist party’s.
Whilst members of the international communist movement were wined and dined in the Kremlin and on the Black Sea coast and even Baader-Meinhof were given access to the GDR leaderships special holiday facilities on the Baltic coast. Proinsias de Rossa had to sneak into Moscow and take some decrepit Aeroflot flight to far off Pyongyang, the most god awful capital city in the world. Whilst there, the WPs foremost politico, in the hope of a back hander, had to demean himself by bending the knee to Kim Il-sung, his Excellency the Great Leader and Master of his very own Gulagistan.
The book ends after the USSR imploded without a single worker coming onto the streets to defend the worlds first ‘Workers State’, but instead of asking why? the most obvious question even for the most poorly educated worker, the overwhelming majority of the WP leadership clique concluded socialism was dead and the end of history was nigh.
Most had become fat and comfortable trade union bureaucrats and parliamentarians, as far as they were concerned, the thought of giving up this gravy train called for desperate measures. What better way of proving their fealty to the boss class than to liquidate the Workers Party, after all if Stalinist bureaucrats the world over reinvented themselves as servants of capitalism, why not they. In 1992, six of the seven WP MPs, its MEP and numerous local councillors quit the party en-mass, and formed the Democratic Left. In 1999 they completed their journey to the far right wing of reformism when the Democratic Left was folded into the Irish Labour Party, with the DL TDs [MPs] being given leadership positions with the LP, whilst the northern membership were shafted by being banned from organizing as members of the LP in the six counties.
To understand just how craven and venal a large section of the WP leadership had become, it is worth understanding whilst they sent OIRA volunteers out to commit criminal acts to finance the party and in the process risk their freedom and at times life and limb, the majority of the party’s parliamentarians refused to draw a workers wage and thus donate the majority of their salary to the party.
Read this book, weep, understand and rage. To end on a brighter note, and despite my jaundiced review, there is little doubt real political ‘talent’ passed through the ranks of the Workers Party and to a lesser degree still does. They can be found beavering away throughout societal Ireland, Today there is hardly a corner of Irish life where a former member of the WP is not playing an important and often constructive role. Some continue to fight for their core socialist beliefs, others became disillusioned and withdrew from political activity or went over to the class enemy. But many former rank and file members still have fire in their bellies, when you talk to them, the overwhelming majority have an inbuilt antenna against the type of top down leadership which failed them and the working class so badly, as one of these comrades angrily snapped back at me, “We were involved in a noble experiment.”
The WP with its democratic centralism and top down politics has a record of failure not dissimilar to the Stalinist and Trotskyist left. What still alludes those of us who are part of the ever growing family of former members of a CP or sect and I would include the WP in these groups, is how to put our experiences to good use, and finally help build a political party worthy of the name socialist and which we can all be proud to be associated with.
Lutta continua.
* The name stickies came about as the OIRA used to sick their Easter Lilies on which they wore to commemorate the Easter Rising, whilst the Proves used a pin.
- * Interview with the books authors here,










8 comments:
A well written and insightful review. Thank you.
great review. I agree the point when it was clear it was going wrong was the issue of TD's wages and De Rossa refusing to take an average income.
A fascinating book and one every shinners should read.
Thanks you chaps I appreciate that.
Excellent review, Mick. I have not yet read the book but your review should be required reading for amll those attempting to build a real democratic socialist left
Hi Mick,
It'll come as no surprise that I'm not as taken with your review as the other readers :)
I don't think The WP ever sought to be a broad left party. It aimed to be a coherent revolutionary socialist party. It seems possible that the De Rossa faction sought to move it that way, but they were defeated in their attempts to do so by the membership (and it wasn't aimed at being that broad given their plan was to purge the revolutionary socialists).
On splits. I agree entirely that they are bad things, and see a lot of valuable time and energy completely wasted. It was the liquidators around De Rossa who walked out in 1992 because they failed in their attempt to dissolve and purge the party while retaining its office buildings, printing facilities etc under a new name. I suspect that the principled socialists would not have sought to split the party any time soon after the special Ard Fheis, although had De Rossa et al later succeeded in removing class politics from the programme where they had previously failed, it's hard to say.
Having said all that. It is not unusual now that everyone is broadly agreed on peaceful means only and the necessity to achieve unity through persuasion to hear people say what were the splits for, there was no need, they were down to personalities or even the Brits. This is nonsense. At stake were fundamental political questions. To give an example. The WP put class politics on the agenda in a serious way in Ireland that terrified the corrupt fat cats. That would have been impossible with people like Mac Stíofáin still involved. There were fundamentally different political visions at work, and a split was inevitable, and necessary, although it would have been preferable had it taken a different form and timing.
The splits of 1969/70 and 1974 were not just over political programmes. They were literally a matter of life and death. The distinction between people like Goulding and people like Adams is a simple one - people like Brian Keenan were prepared to play a prominent role in an organisation that carried out many sectarian murders of ordinary workers in direct violation of republican and socialist principles; Goulding and co were not, on the grounds that such people had no place in a socialist organisation, nor a republican one. There's also the matter of whether the Provos were ever really serious about socialism, something that people like Goulding never believed.
Even violence aimed at British soldiers was having the effect of deepening sectarianism, and further dividing the workers of Ireland. Even without one sectarian killing, it was counter-productive and inimical to the progress of socialism. This was clear by 1974, having been much less so in 1969. This seems to me as probably a major reason why Costello was expelled, whereas people had tried to avoid a split in 1969 as best they could.
As for policing. It seems absolutely clear to me that the people responsible for Darkeley and Kingsmill, for the massacres at Sean Graham's bookies on the Ormeau Road and at Loughlinisland belong in prison. Such people have nothing to offer the working class or the struggle for socialism. Saying that people with information about terrorism should give it to the police, for all their faults which The WP sought to be reformed, was a much lesser evil than being involved in such activities. And further to this point, it is my belief that the authors have been lied to by former members who sought to use the book to damage The WP.
Continued below
Rest of my comment
There is another point too. It suited the Provos and the INLA to say that it must have been outsiders who were touting to the British. It is now very clear that the British had all the information they could have wanted from within the ranks of these organisations. A perfect example is the murder of WP member Emmanuel Wilson, who was most likely killed by the touts who ran the Provisionals' internal security unit.
On democratic centralism. It was the democratic part that saved the party from those trying to destroy it in 1992.
As for the idea of a noble experiment. It is only a former member who could say this. The WP, as you noted yourself, continues to push unambiguous and and unashamed class politics across the island of Ireland. One of the less edifying results of this book has been the number of people who have betrayed the anti-sectarian socialist struggle, often by actively seeking to damage The WP, who have come out reminiscing fondly about how great it all was back in the day when they chased these illusions, and how proud they are to have once been members.
Anyway, thanks for the review. Like my response, your review is programmed, as you say yourself, by your own instincts on fundamental questions that The WP wrestled with, especially the north and democratic centralism. I wonder though it you gave enough space to the political activities and achievement of The WP described in the book. I'll stick a link up to this on Cedar Lounge Revolution.
Garibaldy
Review stands without any axe to grind, I think.
Very good review. It certainly raises questions on the amount of murky stuff that wasn't mentioned in the book at all.
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